Journeying the Politics of Ecstasy:
Anthropological Perspectives on Neoshamanism
by Robert J. Wallis
University of Southampton
In anthropology, archaeology and popular culture,
'Shamanism' may be one of the most used, abused and
misunderstood terms to date. Researchers are
increasingly recognising the socio-political roles of
altered states of consciousness and shamanism in past
and present societies, yet the rise of 'Neoshamanism' and
its implications for academics and their subjects of study
is consistently neglected. Moreover, many academics
marginalise neoshamans and, as a result, neoshamanic
interaction with anthropology, archaeology and
indigenous peoples is often regarded as neocolonialism.
To complicate the matter, indigenous peoples express
multivocal opinions of Neoshamanism, from blatant
condemnation to active encouragement. I first trace the
roots of Neoshamanism in order to compare neoshamanic
and academic approaches. Criticisms of Neoshamanism
as expressed by academic and native critics are presented
and I suggest these conflicting views are potentially
reconcilable. Crucially, post-processualist praxis should
be practically implemented via programmes of research
and communication.
The terms Neoshamanism and shamanism are used here
to differentiate 'Western' shamanism from its more
'traditional' counterpart. The distinction does not intend
to privilege one over the other, nor is it exclusive;
frequently the practitioners blend so that definition is
difficult. Indeed, defining shamanism is intrinsically
problematic, mainly because, as this paper suggests, it is
a Western construction. In this sense, a pristine form of
'classic' shamanism has never existed, the idea is a
fabrication.
Comparing Academe and Neoshamanism
Origins of Neoshamanism stem from use of the term
'shamanism' in 18th century ethnographic and
antiquarian texts. The 'sam¦n' were originally Siberian
Tungouse practitioners of altered states of consciousness
encountered by German explorers. But, by the end of the
18th century, 'shamanism' had become the generic term
used to describe similar forms of ecstatic religion
(Flaherty 1992). Essentially then, shamanism is an
academic construct, a word for the West, its meaning
inevitably universalised, repeatedly re-fabricated, its
definition contested. Fascinated by its titillating
bizarreness, people romanticised shamanism, associated
themselves with the 'noble savage' and became
neoshamans. Goethe, for instance, probably styled Faust
as a shaman, (Flaherty 1989) thereby paving the way for
'the artist as the shaman of higher civilisation' (Flaherty
1988). Neoshamanism and academic study of shamanism
essentially emerge at the same time then, both
approaching indigenous peoples, past and present, in
ways which are politically sensitive.
Criticisms of Neoshamanism
Neoshamanism today describes a spiritual path for
personal empowerment utilising altered states of
consciousness and the shaman's world-view. A primary
source text is Michael Harner's The Way of the Shaman
(1980). Once Professor of anthropology, Harner and
colleagues at the Foundation for Shamanic Studies
currently teach courses in experiential shamanism
throughout the Western world. In The Basic Workshop,
participants are taught that anyone can enter an altered
state of consciousness or trance, which Harner names the
'shamanic state of consciousness' (SSC). During
shamanic experience people lie down and relax with their
eyes closed or covered. The 'journey', accompanied by
monotonous drumming, begins by entering the earth at a
place well known in the physical world such as a cave,
and the experient then travels down a tunnel, into a spirit
world. Here, the aspirant meets and interacts with spirit
helpers and power animals and, as he or she becomes
more adept, learns divination and to heal sickness. These
'Core Shamanism', 'Harner Method' techniques are
probably the most widely known and practised in the
West, and have come under the closest criticism (see, for
example Johnson 1995, Harvey 1997).
For instance, during his publishing career Johnson
believes Harner shifts "from the particular to the
universal, from the locative to the utopian" (Johnson
1995:171). 'Core shamanism' is described as being
universal to shamanism across space and time, thus
decontextualising aspects of shamanism from its original
'owners'. Furthermore, Harner's techniques are held to be
safe but this is in sharp contrast with many shamanic
traditions which can be dangerous and potentially life-
threatening. According to Brown (1989) neoshamans
avoid this 'dark side of the shaman', such as death threats
and battling with malevolent spirits.
Neoshamanism is also portrayed as something available
for everyone. Westerners can chose shamanism as a
spiritual way of life. This is in contrast to many
'traditional' shamans whose roles are viewed with a
healthy fear in their societies. Shamanic trance is often
described as being painful, can kill as well as heal, and
characteristically, the spirits chose the shaman, not the
other way round. In another instance, Harner is accused
of decontextualising when selling Western orientated
'rapid results', in terms of spiritual development and
healing (see, for example, Atkinson 1992: 322). In
contrast, the 'traditional' shamanic path is not a
psychological tool for self-discovery or empowerment
which can be used for a few minutes with dramatic
results. In my view, Harner erroneously privileges the
shaman's altered state of consciousness then, when
stating that what a shaman can do in a few minutes takes
a yogi many years (Harner 1980:xiii).
Johnson suggests an inevitable 'individualising' inherent
in Neoshamanism: "a plurality of religions ... leads to ... a
focus on individual agency, choice, 'needs' and
preference in the religious 'marketplace' ... an obsession
with the 'self' ... individuals are free and capable of
converting to any religious system in any place and at any
time" (Johnson 1995:174). Emphasis on the individual
inner journey, personal psychology and explanations
according to Jungian archetypes, suggests to Johnson that
Neoshamanism psychologises the world of the
'traditional' shaman leaving itself open to "the risk of
solipsism" (Johnson 1995:175).
'Appropriation' (indeed misappropriation) is not too harsh
a charge in some instances where Neoshamanism
interacts with 'traditional' shamanism, even perpetuating
racist stereotypes of indigenous peoples. Early
ethnographic notions of 'Indians' as Naturv“lker (natural
peoples) and medicine 'men' who work a spirit world in
harmony with nature, inaugurated the Western
masculinist primitive premise (Kehoe 1990). Kehoe
describes how inauthentic 'plastic medicine men' such as
Hungry Wolf reinforce these stereotypes in their
'teachings' of native spirituality. Rather than actually
promoting respect and sensitivity towards native peoples
as intended, these authors paradoxically portray mistaken
and outmoded ideas, while believing they are getting
closer to the native shaman's viewpoint. As Harvey
points out, "some Pagans appropriate shamanic
techniques without returning any benefit to the 'donors',
they appear to be 'playing Indians' and some even insult
the 'Indians' by continuing to use the derogatory term
'Red Man'" (Harvey 1997:120). Clearly, as Kehoe
suggests, many neo-shamanic writers adopt imperialist
approaches, "defining for themselves the mission of
bringing their 'knowledge' of American Indian spirituality
to the peoples of modern Europe and America" (Kehoe
1990:195).
This neo-colonial attitude perhaps affects Harner's
Foundation for Shamanic Studies which appears
somewhat naive in Johnson's description, when it:
"awards monetary contributions to those they designate
'Living Treasures of Shamanism', such as Wangchuk, a
68-year-old Tibetan shaman living in exile in Nepal.
While the award serves the admirable goals of enabling
the shaman to continue to practise his 'traditional' form
and preserving the rituals on tape for archives both in
Tibet and at the Foundation, it also, in an ironic twist,
promotes itself to arbiter and authority over who is and
who is not a 'true shaman'" (Johnson 1995:172).
Indigenous Perspectives: Neoshamanism as Spiritual
Genocide?
Many native critics compare neoshamans and
anthropologists in terms of cultural imperialism. Hobson,
a Cherokee critic, coined the term 'whiteshaman
movement' to describe white poets who assume the
persona of Native American shamans in their writings
(Hobson 1978). 'Whiteshamans' compare the poet's
vocation with the shaman's in order to add authenticity to
their work, but Native Americans strongly criticise them
(see comments by Rose 1992) because they do not make
their actual ethnicity plain. Andy Smith (Cherokee
member of Women of all Red Nations) suggests: "the
New Age movement is part of a very old story of white
racism and genocide against the Indian people" (Smith
1994:168). According to these writers, cultural
imperialism continues, with the spiritual persona of
indigenous peoples now up for grabs (Kehoe 1990), by
'Wannabee Indians' (Green 1988).
Castile (1996) considers this a 'Commodification of
Indian Identity' and suggests it creates a market for
Indian teachers: "The audience of these teachers is not
the Indian communities they claim to represent, but the
book-, lecture-, and even ordeal-buying public -- the
litterateurs of dominance" (Castile 1996:745). In
response, 'real' Indians endeavour to expose "the falsity
of the unreal" (Castile 1996:745), the "Great Pretenders"
(Rose 1992). Of concern then, is the legitimacy of
shamanistic teachers and teachings (see, for example,
Joralemon 1990). For example, 'women's mysteries' are
in vogue at present and a concomitant surge of female
neoshamans has emerged (for example, the 'female
Castaneda' Lynn Andrews). But, were women in Native
American and other shamanic traditions afforded the
attentions Western women are now afforded?
'Native American' Teachers
The diversity of opinions becomes more complicated
when 'genuine' native shamans encourage neoshamans
and teach them their practices. Peruvian shaman Eduardo
Calderán, for instance, publicised by anthropologist
Douglas Sharon, promoted by Alberto Villoldo
(Joralemon 1990). Black Elk published his Ogala Sioux
medicine practices via Neihardt (1932), and clearly
meant his visions and life story to be read by both natives
and Westerners. Similar divulgence of previously 'secret'
knowledge has been given by many Native Americans,
including Leonard Crow Dog, Lame Deer and Brooke
Medicine Eagle. The idea of 'mixed blood, mixed
ethnicity, shamanic paths' however, highlights the
problems of authenticity and legitimacy which concern
some critics of Neoshamanism.
For instance, popular use of the Lakota sweat lodge
ceremony by neoshamans, has recently been condemned
by some Native Americans elders: they state the
ceremony is not to be enacted by non-Natives. Fulfilling
the (mainly) Lakota elders' request is not a simple matter
however. What of 'mixed bloods'; to what extent does
'tradition' belong to them? And, where natives, mixed
bloods and neoshamans are encouraged to meet in sweat
lodge ceremonies, it is impossible to discriminate
according to blood-lines alone. Indeed, the one-quarter
blood denoting genuine Indians is a problematic concept
(Castile 1996:744), and determining where genuine
'culture' or 'tradition' begins and ends is a matter of
opinion.
Kehoe is damning of Sun Bear and his 'Bear Tribe',
perceiving an easy to consume spirituality, purely for
profit making (Kehoe 1990:199-200). She suggests the
'Medicine Wheel' teachings used by Sun Bear and
popularised by Hyemeyohsts Storm were simply of
utilitarian value in Cheyenne society (Kehoe 1990:200;
see also Rose 1992). Storm's Native American ancestry is
questionable according to Kehoe however, as is that of
other popular so called 'Native American' teachers.
Storm, alongside Carlos Castaneda and Lynn Andrews is
immensely popular; their books on shamanism are
unquestionably the most widely read and the Medicine
Wheel teachings are particularly well known. Yet, the
'authenticity' of Castaneda's and Andrews' teachings is
hotly disputed.
The issue of payment for teaching provides another
reason for people to slander Neoshamanism. Kehoe
criticises Wallace Black Elk who is genuine Lakota and
charges for shamanic seminars and workshops. And
Smith states: "True spiritual leaders do not make a profit
from their teachings, whether its through selling books,
workshops, sweat lodges, or otherwise. Spiritual leaders
teach the people because it is their responsibility to pass
what they have learned from their elders to the younger
generations. They do not charge for their services"
(Smith 1994:168).
"Seeing' toward 'Extra Pay'
This discussion shows how Neoshamanism is strongly
criticised by academics and native peoples. In some
respects however, Neoshamanism compares with
traditional shamanism and benefits the cultures
'borrowed' from: what Harvey calls giving 'extra pay' to
shamanism (Harvey 1997). For instance, many neo-
shaman's describe experiences which are anything but
safe. Howard Charing, co-founder of Eagle's Wing for
Contemporary Shamanism, UK, told me that a near-fatal
and almost disabling lift crash lead to communication
with spirits and subsequent healing (personal comm.).
Only later did he come to call these practices
'shamanism'. Another informant, explained that while
conventional medicine was unable to help a
psychopathological condition, communication with
spirits allowed a self-healing; in retrospect he
understands his experiences as 'shamanic'. Furthermore,
Wiger (Bend & Wiger 1987) reports how sex and drug
abuse, prostitution and multiple personality disorder were
overcome with shamanic techniques which she now
teaches.
In these examples, the individuals did not 'chose'
shamanism and their descriptions parallel the 'calling',
'initiatory sickness' and self-healing of shamans world-
wide; they are 'wounded healers' (Halifax 1982).
Furthermore, many neoshamans express beliefs in spirit
worlds and spirits outside themselves. These testimonies
exemplify Harvey's idea that some neoshamans
substantially change their views beyond safe and
acceptable Jungian (and other) psychological models.
Neoshamanism's interactions with native shamans can be
seen as a positive force for indigenous peoples,
ideologically and financially supporting, publicising and
drawing considerable attention to, the rights and acts of
cultures formerly and currently suppressed. Harner, for
instance, does emphasise the complexity of shamanic
cultures (they are not evolutionarily simple) and the value
of their modes of awareness (altered states are not just for
'hippies' and the 'insane'). The 'Living Treasures' award,
though viewed with scepticism by some, suggests
Neoshamanism is giving back to the cultures it has
'borrowed' from.
Indeed, where Neoshamanism is active in environmental
education for instance, it "moves towards being properly
shamanic ... the word is paid extra: it is honoured as a
force for change, an imperative in the growth and
evolution of Paganism" (Harvey 1997:117). The socio-
political context for Neoshamanism and its benefits is
becoming evident; indeed, in the context of Paganism,
Neoshamanism "becomes an important part of the
postmodern critique of modern society" (Harvey
1997:122), not simply a symptom of modernity, of neo-
liberalism.
Interestingly, representatives from Native American,
Sami and Inuit groups have approached Harner,
requesting that he teach 'core shamanism' to restore their
sacred knowledge which was lost due to conquest and
missionisation (Harner personal comm.). Perhaps this is
another example of Neoshamanism's benefits, although
indigenous critics may instead see a white shaman
returning stolen shamanism in a revamped format to
aboriginal owners. It is pertinent to note however, that
most criticisms surround Harner's basic workshop and its
methods. The less publicised, more advanced training
programmes, certainly contain aspects which require
considerable skill and strength on the part of the
practitioner (Harner personal comm.), and compare more
suitably with traditional shamanisms.
'Extra pay' may also be given in use of the term shaman
itself. Neoshamans tend to find the prefix 'Neo-'
offensive; to themselves, they are shamanic practitioners.
There is also a general consensus that to call oneself a
shaman is inflated, at least a little suspect, and to an
extent disrespectful to 'traditional' shamans. Harner's
workshops in particular promote this perspective. In this
instance the term becomes honorific: you don't call
yourself a shaman, but other people do; neoshamans in
this case, honour 'traditional' shamans by using the term
sensitively.
Conclusion
This paper has presented various criticisms and benefits
of the Neoshamanism movement. Perspectives among all
the interest groups are extremely diverse, often deeply
personalised and politically motivated; it is therefore
unrealistic to suggest there is a single 'right' view. At the
individual level, it is possible to single out certain
charlatans, or 'well-rounded' practitioners, even extremist
voices; yet all are likely to conflict in some way. As with
'traditional' shamanism, Neoshamanism is not an
homogenous entity. Simply put, and from my own
perspective, Neoshamanism has its good and bad points
and too many voices downplay opposing views.
By focusing on criticisms, many academics neglect
positive aspects of Neoshamanism, which merely
legitimates avoidance of its impact on their subjects of
study. Furthermore, academics are reticent to recognise
benefits of the shamanistic approach in recent studies. In
all, they are 'shamanophobic' (Dowson 1996) and aim to
strengthen this position with 'neo-shamanophobia'.
Paradoxically though, I have shown how academic and
neo-shamanic approaches are intrinsically comparable,
indeed they are historically related.
Following a circular argument then, academics, when
they do examine shamanism, tend to universalise it. They
then criticise neo-shamanic universalising and
decontextualising, actually reproduced from academic
publications! Similarly, as Atkinson states: "The
romanticisation of shamanism by its current
Euroamerican promoters is also unsettling for
anthropologists (despite -- or perhaps because of -- their
own familiarity with romantic tropes)" (Atkinson
1992:323).
Crucial, I think, to both shamanism studies and when
approaching Neoshamanism, is socio-political context.
The perspectives presented here show all too clearly the
'politics of ecstasy'. Exploring shamanism world-wide,
past and present, in Western and non-Western societies,
need not denote a metanarrative. Dowson's 'elements of
shamanism' (Dowson, in press) suggest: shamans enter
an altered state of consciousness, interact with a spirit
world and have their role sanctioned by the community.
This approach promotes cross-cultural studies of
shamanism in terms of certain features, but stresses the
importance of cultural context in order to embrace
diversity. Apart from enabling a better approach to
shamanism, emphasising socio-political specificity
facilitates appreciation of Neoshamanism as an
embodiment and expression of the contemporary West, a
consciousness and culture we are all inseparable from.
When considered in this light, Neoshamanism cannot be
ignored.
As an archaeologist, I believe that archaeology is a
discipline which has ignored neoshamans, their views
and practices, without recognising their intellectual and
experiential impact on our subjects of study (Wallis
1998). Future research will suggest guidelines and
potential action which should reciprocally benefit all
interest groups. For instance, while current academics
can revise the work of their forebears, it is also vital to
express current ideas in the popular realm so that
stereotypes embedded in the public imagination can be
changed. Furthermore, indigenous critics draw attention
to manifestly negative aspects of Neoshamanism, but
have yet to discuss the issues with neoshamans directly in
what may be a productive dialogue.
I think the at face-value conflicting modes of
consciousness expressed by the groups concerned, are
potentially reconcilable, via informed research and much
needed communication. Academics and indigenous
people are embarking on productive dialogues which
look towards mutual benefit and understanding.
Similarly, people involved with shamanism and
Neoshamanism must be encouraged to develop forums
for meeting, and ways of communicating and
understanding each other's perspective. This
consideration seems timely, for if avoidance of
Neoshamanism continues, an hitherto neglected
contemporary shamanic agenda for the archaeological
past and ethnographic present will compromise curators
into increasingly difficult positions.
This is a revised version of a paper presented as 'Altered
States, Conflicting Cultures: Shamans, Neoshamans and
Academics,' at the Society for the Anthropology of
Consciousness Spring Conference 1998, Portland
Oregon. This article will be re-published in expanded
form, with a more comprehensive bibliography, in the
AOC Journal. Mr Wallis may be reached at
R.J.Wallis@soton.ac.uk.
Works Cited:
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Johnson, P. C. "Shamanism from Ecuador to Chicago: A Case
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Joralemon, D. "The Selling of the Shaman and the Problem of
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Kehoe, A. B. "Primal Gaia: Primitivists and Plastic Medicine
Men." in: Clifton, J., ed. The Invented Indian: Cultural Fictions
and Government Policies. New Brunswick: Transaction; 1990:
193-209.
Neihardt, R. Black Elk Speaks: Being the Life Story of a Holy
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Rose, W. "The Great Pretenders: Further Reflections on White
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403-421.
Smith, A. "For All Those Who Were Indian in a Former life." in:
Adams, C., ed. Ecofeminism and the Sacred. New York:
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Wallis, R.J. "'Drumming Home the Polemics of Neoshamanism':
Conflicting Views and Contested Monuments in the Southwest
United States." Paper presented at the Contemporary Shamanism
Conference June 1998, University of Newcastle; 1998.
{PRIVATE "TYPE=PICT;ALT=Virtual"}
Robert J. Wallis is studying for a PhD in the Department
of Archaeology at the University of Southampton in
England, where he received his BA and an MA in Rock
Art. His research interests focus on archaeological and
anthropological theory and the inherently political nature
of these disciplines.Robert practices shamanism in the
Heathen tradition.
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