Bush's Speech:

THE PRESIDENT: President Ilves, Foreign Minister Schwarzenberg, distinguished
guests: Laura and I are pleased to be back in Prague, and we appreciate the
gracious welcome in this historic hall. Tomorrow I attend the G-8 Summit, where
I will meet with the leaders of the world's most powerful economies. This
afternoon, I stand with men and women who represent an even greater power -- the
power of human conscience.

In this room are dissidents and democratic activists from 17 countries on five
continents. You follow different traditions, you practice different faiths, and
you face different challenges. But you are united by an unwavering conviction:
that freedom is the non-negotiable right of every man, woman, and child, and
that the path to lasting peace in our world is liberty. (Applause.)

This conference was conceived by three of the great advocates for freedom in our
time: Jose Maria Aznar, Vaclav Havel, and Natan Sharansky. I thank them for the
invitation to address this inspiring assembly, and for showing the world that an
individual with moral clarity and courage can change the course of history.

It is fitting that we meet in the Czech Republic -- a nation at the heart of
Europe, and of the struggle for freedom on this continent. Nine decades ago,
Tomas Masaryk proclaimed Czechoslovakia's independence based on the "ideals of
modern democracy." That democracy was interrupted, first by the Nazis and then
by the communists, who seized power in a shameful coup that left the Foreign
Minister dead in the courtyard of this palace.

Through the long darkness of Soviet occupation, the true face of this nation was
never in doubt. The world saw it in the reforms of the Prague Spring and the
principled demands of Charter 77. Those efforts were met with tanks and
truncheons and arrests by secret police. But the violent would not have the
final word. In 1989, thousands gathered in Wenceslas Square to call for their
freedom. Theaters like the Magic Lantern became headquarters for dissidents.
Workers left their factories to support a strike. And within weeks, the regime
crumbled. Vaclav Havel went from prisoner of state to head of state. And the
people of Czechoslovakia brought down the Iron Curtain with a Velvet Revolution.

Across Europe, similar scenes were unfolding. In Poland, a movement that began
in a single shipyard freed people across a nation. In Hungary, mourners gathered
at Heroes Square to bury a slain reformer -- and bury their communist regime,
too. In East Germany, families came together for prayer meetings -- and found
the strength to tear down a wall. Soon, activists emerged from the attics and
church basements to reclaim the streets of Bulgaria, and Romania, and Albania,
and Latvia, and Lithuania, and Estonia. The Warsaw Pact was dissolved peacefully
in this very room. And after seven decades of oppression, the Soviet Union
ceased to exist.

Behind these astonishing achievements was the triumph of freedom in the battle
of ideas. The communists had an imperial ideology that claimed to know the
directions of history. But in the end, it was overpowered by ordinary people who
wanted to live their lives, and worship their God, and speak the truth to their
children. The communists had the harsh rule of Brezhnev, and Honecker, and
Ceausescu. But in the end, it was no match for the vision of Walesa and Havel,
the defiance of Sakharov and Sharansky, the resolve of Reagan and Thatcher, and
fearless witness of John Paul. From this experience, a clear lesson has emerged:
Freedom can be resisted, and freedom can be delayed, but freedom cannot be
denied.

In the years since liberation, Central and Eastern European nations have
navigated the difficult transition to democracy. Leaders made the tough reforms
needed to enter NATO and the European Union. Citizens claimed their freedom in
the Balkans and beyond. And now, after centuries of war and suffering, the
continent of Europe is at last in peace.

With this new era have come new threats to freedom. In dark and repressive
corners of the world, whole generations grew up with no voice in their
government and no hope in their future. This life of oppression bred deep
resentment. And for many, resentment boiled over into radicalism and extremism
and violence. The world saw the result on September the 11th, 2001, when
terrorists based in Afghanistan sent 19 suicidal men to murder nearly 3,000
innocent people in the United States.

For some, this attack called for a narrow response. In truth, 9/11 was evidence
of a much broader danger -- an international movement of violent Islamic
extremists that threatens free people everywhere. The extremists' ambition is to
build a totalitarian empire that spans all current and former Muslim lands,
including parts of Europe. Their strategy to achieve that goal is to frighten
the world into surrender through a ruthless campaign of terrorist murder.

To confront this enemy, America and our allies have taken the offensive with the
full range of our military, intelligence, and law enforcement capabilities. Yet
this battle is more than a military conflict. Like the Cold War, it's an
ideological struggle between two fundamentally different visions of humanity. On
one side are the extremists, who promise paradise, but deliver a life of public
beatings and repression of women and suicide bombings. On the other side are
huge numbers of moderate men and women -- including millions in the Muslim world
-- who believe that every human life has dignity and value that no power on
Earth can take away.

The most powerful weapon in the struggle against extremism is not bullets or
bombs -- it is the universal appeal of freedom. Freedom is the design of our
Maker, and the longing of every soul. Freedom is the best way to unleash the
creativity and economic potential of a nation. Freedom is the only ordering of a
society that leads to justice. And human freedom is the only way to achieve
human rights.

Expanding freedom is more than a moral imperative -- it is the only realistic
way to protect our people in the long run. Years ago, Andrei Sakharov warned
that a country that does not respect the rights of its own people will not
respond to the rights of its neighbors. History proves him right. Governments
accountable to their people do not attack each other. Democracies address
problems through the political process, instead of blaming outside scapegoats.
Young people who can disagree openly with their leaders are less likely to adopt
violent ideologies. And nations that commit to freedom for their people will not
support extremists -- they will join in defeating them.

For all these reasons, the United States is committed to the advance of freedom
and democracy as the great alternatives to repression and radicalism.
(Applause.) And we have a historic objective in view. In my second inaugural
address, I pledged America to the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.
Some have said that qualifies me as a "dissident president." If standing for
liberty in the world makes me a dissident, I wear that title with pride.
(Applause.)

America pursues our freedom agenda in many ways -- some vocal and visible,
others quiet and hidden from view. Ending tyranny requires support for the
forces of conscience that undermine repressive societies from within. The Soviet
dissident Andrei Amalrik compared a tyrannical state to a soldier who constantly
points a gun at his enemy -- until his arms finally tire and the prisoner
escapes. The role of the free world is to put pressure on the arms of the
world's tyrants -- and strengthen the prisoners who are trying to speed their
collapse.

So I meet personally with dissidents and democratic activists from some of the
world's worst dictatorships -- including Belarus, and Burma, and Cuba, and North
Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. At this conference, I look forward to meeting other
dissidents, including some from Iran and Syria. One of those dissidents is
Mamoun Homsi. In 2001, this man was an independent member of the Syrian
parliament who simply issued a declaration asking the government to begin
respecting human rights. For this entirely peaceful act, he was arrested and
sent to jail, where he spent several years beside other innocent advocates for a
free Syria.

Another dissident I will meet here is Rebiyah Kadeer of China, whose sons have
been jailed in what we believe is an act of retaliation for her human rights
activities. The talent of men and women like Rebiyah is the greatest resource of
their nations, far more valuable than the weapons of their army or their oil
under the ground. America calls on every nation that stifles dissent to end its
repression, to trust its people, and to grant its citizens the freedom they
deserve. (Applause.)

There are many dissidents who couldn't join us because they are being unjustly
imprisoned or held under house arrest. I look forward to the day when a
conference like this one include Alexander Kozulin of Belarus, Aung San Suu Kyi
of Burma, Oscar Elias Biscet of Cuba, Father Nguyen Van Ly of Vietnam, Ayman
Nour of Egypt. (Applause.) The daughter of one of these political prisoners is
in this room. I would like to say to her, and all the families: I thank you for
your courage. I pray for your comfort and strength. And I call for the immediate
and unconditional release of your loved ones. (Applause.)

In the eyes of America, the democratic dissidents today are the democratic
leaders of tomorrow. So we're taking new steps to strengthen our support. We
recently created a Human Rights Defenders Fund, which provides grants for the
legal defense and medical expenses of activists arrested or beaten by repressive
governments. I strongly support the Prague Document that your conference plans
to issue, which states that "the protection of human rights is critical to
international peace and security." And in keeping with the goals of that
declaration, I have asked Secretary Rice to send a directive to every U.S.
ambassador in an un-free nation: Seek out and meet with activists for democracy.
Seek out those who demand human rights. (Applause.)

People living in tyranny need to know they are not forgotten. North Koreans live
in a closed society where dissent is brutally suppressed, and they are cut off
from their brothers and sisters to the south. The Iranians are a great people
who deserve to chart their own future, but they are denied their liberty by a
handful of extremists whose pursuit of nuclear weapons prevents their country
from taking its rightful place amongst the thriving. The Cubans are desperate
for freedom -- and as that nation enters a period of transition, we must insist
on free elections and free speech and free assembly. (Applause.) And in Sudan,
freedom is denied and basic human rights are violated by a government that
pursues genocide against its own citizens. My message to all those who suffer
under tyranny is this: We will never excuse your oppressors. We will always
stand for your freedom. (Applause.)

Freedom is also under assault in countries that have shown some progress. In
Venezuela, elected leaders have resorted to shallow populism to dismantle
democratic institutions and tighten their grip on power. The government of
Uzbekistan continues to silence independent voices by jailing human rights
activists. And Vietnam recently arrested and imprisoned a number of peaceful
religious and political activists.

These developments are discouraging, but there are more reasons for optimism. At
the start of the 1980s, there were only 45 democracies on Earth. There are now
more than 120 democracies -- more people now live in freedom than ever before.
And it is the responsibility of those who enjoy the blessings of liberty to help
those who are struggling to establish their free societies. So the United States
has nearly doubled funding for democracy projects. We're working with our
partners in the G-8 to promote the rise of a vibrant civil society in the Middle
East through initiatives like the Forum for the Future. We're cooperating
side-by-side with the new democracies in Ukraine and Georgia and Kyrgyzstan. We
congratulate the people of Yemen on their landmark presidential election, and
the people of Kuwait on elections in which women were able to vote and run for
office for the first time. (Applause.) We stand firmly behind the people of
Lebanon and Afghanistan and Iraq as they defend their democratic gains against
extremist enemies. (Applause.) These people are making tremendous sacrifices for
liberty. They deserve the admiration of the free world, and they deserve our
unwavering support. (Applause.)

The United States is also using our influence to urge valued partners like Egypt
and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to move toward freedom. These nations have taken
brave stands and strong action to confront extremists, along with some steps to
expand liberty and transparency. Yet they have a great distance still to travel.
The United States will continue to press nations like these to open up their
political systems, and give greater voice to their people. Inevitably, this
creates tension. But our relationships with these countries are broad enough and
deep enough to bear it. As our relationships with South Korea and Taiwan during
the Cold War prove, America can maintain a friendship and push a nation toward
democracy at the same time. (Applause.)

We're also applying that lesson to our relationships with Russia and China.
(Applause.) The United States has strong working relationships with these
countries. Our friendship with them is complex. In the areas where we share
mutual interests, we work together. In other areas, we have strong
disagreements. China's leaders believe that they can continue to open the
nation's economy without opening its political system. We disagree. (Applause.)
In Russia, reforms that were once promised to empower citizens have been
derailed, with troubling implications for democratic development. Part of a good
relationship is the ability to talk openly about our disagreements. So the
United States will continue to build our relationships with these countries --
and we will do it without abandoning our principles or our values. (Applause.)

We appreciate that free societies take shape at different speeds in different
places. One virtue of democracy is that it reflects local history and
traditions. Yet there are fundamental elements that all democracies share --
freedom of speech, religion, press, and assembly; rule of law enforced by
independent courts; private property rights; and political parties that compete
in free and fair elections. (Applause.) These rights and institutions are the
foundation of human dignity, and as countries find their own path to freedom,
they must find a loyal partner in the United States of America.

Extending the reach of freedom is a mission that unites democracies around the
world. Some of the greatest contributions are coming from nations with the
freshest memories of tyranny. I appreciate the Czech Republic's support for
human rights projects in Belarus and Burma and Cuba. I thank Germany, and
Poland, and the Czech Republic, and Hungary, and Slovenia, and Georgia,
Lithuania, Estonia, Croatia for contributing to the new United Nations Democracy
Fund. I'm grateful for the commitment many new democracies in Central and
Eastern Europe are making to Afghanistan and Iraq. I appreciate that these
countries are willing to do the hard work necessary to enable people who want to
be free to live in a free society. (Applause.)

In all these ways, the freedom agenda is making a difference. The work has been
difficult, and that is not going to change. There will be triumphs and failures,
progress and setbacks. Ending tyranny cannot be achieved overnight. And of
course, this objective has its critics.

Some say that ending tyranny means "imposing our values" on people who do not
share them, or that people live in parts of the world where freedom cannot take
hold. That is refuted by the fact that every time people are given a choice,
they choose freedom. We saw that when the people of Latin America turned
dictatorships into democracies, and the people of South Africa replaced
apartheid with a free society, and the people of Indonesia ended their long
authoritarian rule. We saw it when Ukrainians in orange scarves demanded that
their ballots be counted. We saw it when millions of Afghans and Iraqis defied
the terrorists to elect free governments. At a polling station in Baghdad, I was
struck by the words of an Iraqi -- he had one leg -- and he told a reporter, "I
would have crawled here if I had to." Was democracy -- I ask the critics, was
democracy imposed on that man? Was freedom a value he did not share? The truth
is that the only ones who have to impose their values are the extremists and the
radicals and the tyrants. (Applause.)

And that is why the communists crushed the Prague Spring, and threw an innocent
playwright in jail, and trembled at the sight of a Polish Pope. History shows
that ultimately, freedom conquers fear. And given a chance, freedom will conquer
fear in every nation on Earth. (Applause.)

Another objective -- objection is that ending tyranny will unleash chaos.
Critics point to the violence in Afghanistan, or Iraq, or Lebanon as evidence
that freedom leaves people less safe. But look who's causing the violence. It's
the terrorists, it's the extremists. It is no coincidence that they are
targeting young democracies in the Middle East. They know that the success of
free societies there is a mortal threat to their ambitions -- and to their very
survival. The fact that our enemies are fighting back is not a reason to doubt
democracy. It is evidence that they recognize democracy's power. It is evidence
that we are at war. And it is evidence that free nations must do what it takes
to prevail. (Applause.)

Still, some argue that a safer goal would be stability, especially in the Middle
East. The problem is that pursuing stability at the expense of liberty does not
lead to peace -- it leads to September the 11th, 2001. (Applause.) The policy of
tolerating tyranny is a moral and strategic failure. It is a mistake the world
must not repeat in the 21st century.

Others fear that democracy will bring dangerous forces to power, such as Hamas
in the Palestinian Territories. Elections will not always turn out the way we
hope. Yet democracy consists of more than a single trip to the ballot box.
Democracy requires meaningful opposition parties, a vibrant civil society, a
government that enforces the law and responds to the needs of its people.
Elections can accelerate the creation of such institutions. In a democracy,
people will not vote for a life of perpetual violence. To stay in power, elected
officials must listen to their people and pursue their desires for peace -- or,
in democracies, the voters will replace them through free elections.

Finally, there's the contention that ending tyranny is unrealistic. Well, some
argue that extending democracy around the world is simply too difficult to
achieve. That's nothing new. We've heard that criticism before throughout
history. At every stage of the Cold War, there were those who argued that the
Berlin Wall was permanent, and that people behind the Iron Curtain would never
overcome their oppressors. History has sent a different message.

The lesson is that freedom will always have its skeptics. But that's not the
whole story. There are also people like you, and the loved ones you represent --
men and women with courage to risk everything for your ideals. In his first
address as President, Vaclav Havel proclaimed, "People, your government has
returned to you!" He was echoing the first speech of Tomas Masaryk -- who was,
in turn, quoting the 17th century Czech teacher Comenius. His message was that
freedom is timeless. It does not belong to one government or one generation.
Freedom is the dream and the right of every person in every nation in every age.
(Applause.)

The United States of America believes deeply in that message. It was the
inspiration for our founding, when we declared that "all men are created equal."
It was the conviction that led us to help liberate this continent, and stand
with the captive nations through their long struggle. It is the truth that
guides our nation to oppose radicals and extremists and terror and tyranny in
the world today. And it is the reason I have such great confidence in the men
and women in this room.

I leave Prague with a certainty that the cause of freedom is not tired, and that
its future is in the best of hands. With unbreakable faith in the power of
liberty, you will inspire your people, you will lead your nations, and you will
change the world.

Thanks for having me. And may God bless you. (Applause.)


Lieberman's Speech:

"Thank you so much for that kind introduction, Natan. I cannot tell you how
grateful I am for all of your work, and the work of Vaclav Havel and Jose Maria
Aznar, to bring together the remarkable group of individuals who are assembled
in this room, these fighters for freedom, from around the globe.

I know that many of you traveled here at great personal risk and in the face of
great obstacles. It is a privilege and an honor for me to stand with you.

The existence of this conference is itself a testament to the transformative
power of the ideals that have brought us together, to the power of brave people
of principle to change history. Who would have dreamed two decades ago that
democratic dissidents from all over the world would be able to gather in Prague,
at the invitation of men who were themselves prisoners of the totalitarian
regime that had long ruled this half of Europe, and that many assumed would do
so forever. Instead, today, Stalin and Brezhnev are in the dustbin of history,
and Havel and Sharansky survive and flourish!

The freedom fighters from all around the world who are gathered here today
follow in the heroic footsteps of Havel and Sharansky, these two great men who
are now taking the candles they lit in the darkest days of communist
dictatorship and giving them to you to carry in your struggles against
repression and tyranny.

We do not doubt for a moment that your struggles are the struggles of heroes.

You show fearlessness in the face of regimes built on fear. You find the courage
of your convictions to follow the consequences of your convictions.

That is why dictators and despots fear you—because you have chosen not to fear
them.

The choice to confront tyranny is not an easy one. Indeed, you know better than
most how difficult it can be for freedom to triumph over fear, for democracy to
replace dictatorship. You also know the suffering and setbacks that are part of
the march toward freedom, as well as how cruel and tenacious the forces of
totalitarianism can be in resisting its advance.

But you also know the miraculous expansion of freedom that we have witnessed
over the past thirty years, as democracy has spread to regions and countries
where many doubted it could ever take root.

And you know that in your often lonely, always difficult quest, you are on the
right side of history—and I am here to tell you that the United States of
America must and will stand by your side as well.

It is America's responsibility and purpose as a nation to do so, inscribed for
posterity by our founders, who proclaimed that the rights to life and liberty
are the endowments of our Creator to every individual human being.

I recognize that are those in the United States today who question the wisdom of
a commitment to freedom in our foreign policy, who claim it is naive, even
dangerous. In particular, I know there are those who will argue that everything
that will be said and done at this conference can be refuted by a single word:
Iraq.

There are voices who will claim that the violence we now see in that country
disproves the case for democracy and demonstrates that some people are not ready
for the freedoms we enjoy elsewhere in the world. They will say that America's
foreign policy should be less principled and more pragmatic, less focused on
honoring eternal, universal values and more focused on satisfying shifting
national interests.

These arguments are gravely mistaken. They misunderstand fundamentally what is
happening in Iraq, and they derive precisely the wrong lessons from our
experience there. Even more importantly, they profoundly misunderstand
America—our ideals, our identity, our very soul as a nation.

I have just spent the past ten days traveling in the Middle East, including in
Iraq. I met with Arab leaders across the region as well as our military
commanders and diplomats there. I also had the privilege of walking the streets
of Baghdad and Ramadi with the brave American soldiers who are risking their
lives to defend the freedom and safety of the people living there.

In the course of this trip, one thing has emerged clear to me.

What is happening in the Middle East today is not simply a battle between the
United States and its enemies in one particular country, but a much larger
struggle between freedom and fear, in which Iraq happens to be the central
front. On the one side of this conflict are the latest in a long line of
totalitarians, a loose alliance of terrorists and tyrants every bit as fanatical
as the fascists and communists with whom they share a hatred of America and the
values for which it stands.

Terrorism is their preferred weapon, but it is not their ultimate aim. Their
vision is far more ambitious and terrifying: a vision of hatred and conquest, in
which billions of people fall under a jihadist jackboot of vicious and
repressive rule.

On the other side of this fight are the overwhelming majority of Arabs and
Muslims—a largely silenced majority of people whom I am convinced desire most
of all a better life for themselves and for their children, people who like any
of us would choose freedom over fear, hope over hatred, justice over tyranny, if
given the chance.

The outcome of the struggle in Iraq will go a long way towards determining
whether our future in Europe, and America, and throughout much of the world
belongs to these totalitarians, or to democrats who seek the consent and
consensus of the governed.

Iraq is about the survival and success of the very ideal of freedom not only in
Iraq, but in Iran, and Syria, and the rest of that region, and in a very real
way, in the rest of the world.

There are some in America today who acknowledge the stakes at play in Iraq, but
who then claim that the war there has been too costly, the burden too great, for
us to continue to shoulder it. They claim that they support democracy, but just
not in Iraq, just not right now.

The truth of the matter, however, is that freedom is not divisible. You cannot
claim to support the spread of democracy, but profess ambivalence about its fate
in Iraq.

On the contrary, we have a responsibility to support the forces of freedom not
only when it is easy, but when it is hard. Here in Prague, especially, we should
remember what happens when the democratic world does not stand united, when its
leaders decide that there are places and peoples whose freedom is not worth
defending, and abandon them to the forces of tyranny.

Today, the choice we face is not simply whether we support the advance of
democracy in the abstract, but at what cost we are willing to fight for it.

Each of you has an especially important role to play in helping the rest of
us—and America in particular—rise to this challenge. Dictators, after all,
depend not only on the fear of their victims, but on the indifference of
outsiders, and it is the unique power of dissidents to break that spell of
indifference.

The fact of Soviet tyranny was known to the world long before we first heard the
names of Vaclav Havel and Natan Sharansky and Andrei Sakharov, but it was the
heroism of these men in the face of Soviet injustice that kindled our moral
imagination to see the sufferings of millions more.

From their example, we know that a single human face can tear down the faceless
inhumanity of an entire system. We know that every dissident has the potential
to change history, because history is made not by abstract, inexorable forces,
but by human beings like yourselves.

And so I say to those in America who insist our foreign policy should be
narrowly focused on the pursuit of stability, not freedom, who argue pragmatism
and principle are opposing values, and that benign dictatorship is preferable to
the disorder of democracy:

Look around this room at the faces of the freedom fighters who are here. Look at
the faces of the dissidents—and you will have to conclude that you are wrong.

There is no such thing as benign dictatorship, and to be a genuine realist
today, there is no choice but to heed the call of freedom—for as Natan
Sharansky has written, the advance of democracy is the only guarantor of
national and international security.

We have been blessed throughout American history with leaders who have
recognized these powerful truths. A generation ago, it was Ronald Reagan and
Senator Scoop Jackson who came to the side of the dissidents in their fight
against Soviet totalitarianism. Today, as well, we are fortunate to have a
president, George W. Bush, who has given voice to the cause of freedom fighters
from Iraq to North Korea to Cuba to Iran and beyond.

And he is not alone. Many in Congress of both parties, including myself, are
determined to ensure that America's freedom agenda advanced under President Bush
continues long after he leaves office.

I hope that each of you consider this meeting as the beginning of a partnership
for freedom, and I invite each of you to contact me and my office whenever you
need our help.

History and the heroes in this room tell me that the future does not belong to
despots and dictators. It belongs to a labor activist from Teheran, to a
journalist from Moscow, to a blogger to Cairo, to a human rights advocate from
North Korea, and to countless others whose names are not yet known, but which
will someday be inscribed alongside those of Havel and Sharansky and Sakharov in
the kingdom of conscience and courage to which all freedom fighters belong.

May God bless all of you, and give you strength and success in your endeavor,
which is the greatest of all human endeavors—the pursuit of freedom. Thank
you."